What arguments do Keynesians bring in favor of government regulation? They claim that the Austrian school cannot prove its theory. And how do they prove their own?

анонимный вопрос

The triumphant march of Keynesianism across the globe is based on simple trickery. The Great Depression was declared a failure of the free market, rather than a failure of state regulation, and a set of state regulation tools was proposed to counteract such phenomena. From the very beginning, Keynesian theory was criticized by the Austrian and neoclassical schools, and throughout the entire time it dominated, no convincing answers to this criticism were provided.

Why did the Keynesians defeat the Austrians? Because the governments themselves acted as the arbiters in the dispute over which economic policy governments should pursue. This violates the fundamental legal principle “No one should be a judge in their own cause,” and it is no surprise that governments with grim regularity preferred those teachings that offered to grant them more significant powers, rather than those that proposed, on the contrary, full deregulation of the economy.

Fortunately, in democratic countries, some feedback remains between the government and the voters, and when stagflation occurred in the seventies—directly contradicting Keynesian theory—the monetarists, with their less clumsy methods, took the place of the Keynesians in the courts of the sovereigns. Countries with dominant Marxism were not so lucky; there, Marx’s teaching was declared omnipotent by virtue of its correctness; in other words, the feedback between theory and reality was absent.

I had to make this historical excursion to make it clear immediately: the success of Keynesianism is based not on logical justifications of the theory’s correctness, but on the fact that its implementation brought direct benefits to those implementing it.

Now I will touch upon the Keynesian proofs directly: after all, even if factual considerations did not match the public justifications, the Keynesians still had to provide some justifications.

At the heart of any theory lies a certain model of reality. Keynes refused to consider models of interaction between agents and focused instead on models of relationships between abstract entities such as aggregate demand, aggregate supply, total employment, the general price level, gross product, the velocity of money, and so on.

Thus, the model of a crisis according to Keynes looks like a system with positive feedback: the lower the demand, the lower the production, the higher the unemployment, the lower the demand. Within the framework of such a simple model, everything is logically flawless. Keynes’s conclusion: the government must stimulate demand through public works, regardless of what they are—even digging holes and filling them back in—and this will allow an exit from the vicious circle. It is evident that such a theory is perfectly suited for propaganda purposes: first, you frighten them properly, and then you promise to save them if they buy your miracle cure for the problem.

In general, the resulting model is completely counterintuitive: a crisis is caused by the overproduction of goods (according to the AES, it is caused by the overproduction of money, and when there are many goods, that is actually great, which fully corresponds to the worldview of any average person); the chief evil in the economy is savings (according to the AES, it is precisely savings that allow for the implementation of increasingly indirect production chains, which ensures economic growth); the best way to fight crises is the destruction of savings and the squandering of resources. Why the implementation of such madness is a sure path to ruin at the level of an individual household, but somehow magically saves the economy once the state begins such a practice for the entire country at once, the Keynesians did not explain. There is a complete logical gap between micro- and macroeconomics for them; they are two entirely unrelated disciplines.

Modern Keynesianism has mutated greatly compared to the original theory, merged in ecstasy with monetarism, and formed a single mainstream current that continues to create increasingly sophisticated models for various areas of life. If Keynes began by promoting the very necessity of state regulation of the economy, now the necessity of state regulation is no longer questioned, and economists are having a field day, infinitely refining specific ways to do it in the most sophisticated manner. 

Memo for Arguing with Schoolchildren

In yesterday’s post, I mentioned a cheat sheet for arguing with schoolchildren, and readers were interested in what kind of cheat sheet it was.

The cheat sheet was developed in the “Austrian School of Economics” community and consists of just five topics. In fact, such things highlight exactly how unique our project is. Any FAQ is a product of collecting, averaging, and generalizing many questions, after which a polished text covering the topic is prepared. In our case, every day we end up with a text answering a specific, rather than a generalized, question. And if any answer seems superficial or inaccurate to one of the readers, they can always send their clarifications and additions.

What to do if I am in a new class and nobody is friends with me?

anonymous question

A second non-serious question, so there will be two answers in one day

From the perspective of Marxist class theory, supplemented by Leninist class practice, when transitioning to another class, a person may share the interests of their old class for a long time, and thus participate in the class struggle on the wrong side. That is exactly why newly recruited representatives of a class usually strive to be holier than the Pope: if they are a nouveau riche, then with a mega-yacht; if a peasant, then with a beard down to the floor and a back fully hunched with traditional values. You can try this tactic; it looks funny from the outside, but psychologically, they say, it helps a lot.

And from the point of view of the Austrian school of economics, classes do not exist, Neo)

are not friends…

Libertarians campaign so actively for cryptocurrencies and Bitcoin in particular; why are they not bothered by the fact that this seriously contradicts the gold standard, which 19th-century liberals and, for example, Mises and Rothbard, cared so much about?

Wild Turkey

Mises, in creating the theory of money, formulated the regression theorem, according to which the current value of money is determined by its yesterday’s value, and this can be traced back to the moment when money was an ordinary commodity having only simple consumer value.

The fact that gold specifically became the single standard for backing money by the 20th century was the result of government regulations; prior to that, a bimetallic standard had taken hold in a free banking system, which is described in sufficient detail by the aforementioned Rothbard.

Another libertarian classic, Hayek, openly advocated for private money…

In order to understand exactly how and why bitcoin acquired its value, I recommend reading the classic article by Jeffrey Tucker, kindly translated in 2014 by the Bitnovosti resource.

Thus, bitcoin, acting as digital peer-to-peer gold, does not contradict economic theory as presented by both the classics of the Austrian School of Economics and their modern followers.

And yes, it is high time to donate a few bitcoins to the development of the channel: 1A7Wu2enQNRETLXDNpQEufcbJybtM1VHZ8