Тег: Montenegro

Is it kosher to punch the faces of runners in Z-shirts on the spot? Or should one first clarify, “Are you truly part of the force that deprived me of my country?”

VoiceInTel

Nothing is good or bad in itself; everything depends on the circumstances. Let’s look at what our circumstances are.

First of all—both you and I, and the “Z-supporters” you mentioned, are emigrants.

There is a conflict between us and the Z-supporters. That is, we intend to use the same object for different, mutually exclusive purposes. What is this object of conflict? It is public opinion among the citizens of the state receiving us, namely Montenegro.

We plan to use it so that Montenegrins believe: all Russians who have moved to Montenegro are against Putin and Putin’s aggression; they are peaceful, civilized European people just like the Montenegrins themselves, and they should be welcomed in the country with the same readiness as Ukrainian refugees, or at least on general grounds, like some Germans.

The Z-supporters require a completely different public opinion—that Montenegrins know: all Russians support Putin, he is waging a just war against NATO, which attacked Russia in Ukraine, Russia has always been a friend and an elder brother to all the brotherly Balkan peoples, and now, when Russia drives NATO out of Ukraine, it will come and drive NATO out of Montenegro too, because this malicious Anglo-Saxon organization, generally speaking, bombed Montenegro, so let it get out. And in general—Crna Gora je Srbija. The Montenegrin brothers are doing great; look, they’ve elected a pro-Serbian president, let them keep going in the same vein.

It would seem that we and the Z-supporters have the same desire—to have good relations with the locals. However, we are appealing to different groups of locals. They appeal to those suffering from Great Serbian ressentiment. We appeal to those who consider wars of aggression unacceptable. In other words, both we and the Z-supporters are exploiting the local political divide. Where could this lead? To a situation where Russian citizens start being expelled from the country—simply for interfering in local politics, since this is a private fight, and both high-fighting parties do not wish for escalation.

That is exactly why we don’t run through the streets with FSB flags and shout that Putin is a dick. Running through the streets with flags is a privilege of Ukrainians; no one will expel them from the country.

So, of course, we are interested in making sure that Z-supporters don’t run through the streets of Montenegro. However, punching them in the face right away is still not “kosher.” First, a Z-supporter might actually be a Serb, and to avoid awkwardness, it makes sense to find this out before punching them in the face. Second, a Z-supporter, even if they are Russian, might simply not understand the reasoning laid out above and view running around with Z-symbolism simply as supporting a favorite sports team.

In short, in our situation, it is better to approach them and start a conversation. And if it’s a Russian, then argue reasonably to make them understand that Russians should not wave their political orientation in the street—it’s against “spiritual staples.” But if they start getting aggressive about it—then, of course, they should be provoked—and then punch them in the face within the framework of self-defense, as the great and terrible principle of non-aggression teaches us.

What should libertarians who observe the NAP do in such cases?

Montenegrin fishermen are complaining about Albanians, who blocked the Bojana River with an iron net and are catching almost all the fish.

In this situation, we see a typical case of state interference in the market, which inevitably leads to the most unpleasant consequences. As can be understood from the article, it is not just some random Albanian fishermen who blocked the river, but a very specific entrepreneur to whom the Albanian state granted a fishing concession.

Elinor Ostrom explains in detail in her book Governing the Commons how such problems are solved without state intervention. In short, the community of resource users gradually develops rules for use that minimize conflicts surrounding the trade, and this usually looks like a kind of sliding schedule of who can fish where and when, so as not to elbow each other and to ensure there is enough for everyone.

In this case, the state has left only options such as enduring it and catching the scraps from the master’s table in the lower reaches of the river, or fighting—for example, by carrying out sabotage against that very net, or against the concessionaire, or against the officials who patronize him.

Another option, for the peace-loving but persistent, is to bring the problem to a higher level, which is essentially an appeal to some external arbitrator. This is likely what the Montenegrin fishing association is currently doing. I wish them success; I love eels.

Georgia is closing

Two and a half years ago, I seriously considered Georgia as a suitable country to settle in and build a pleasant local ancap community around myself. All the sadder I am now to realize that Anton Epikhin was right when he conducted an analysis of where it would be easiest to start building a libertarian community, and ruled out Georgia.

Long ago, under the president before the last one, Georgia responded to Russian sanctions by opening its doors even wider for Russians, offering them the freedom to arrive, settle, purchase property, and start businesses. Now it is beginning to restrict political immigration, and even simple temporary entry into the country for those who publicly declare principles slightly more liberal than those of the current Georgian government.

Going to a country where a former president, who nominally stood on the side of freedom, is in prison is a stranger decision than going to a country where the president is in opposition to the prime minister, and both are desperately barking at each other, but there is no talk of imprisonments. Going to a country that does not allow political emigrants from Russia is a stranger decision than going to a country that does not extradite them to Russia. In essence, all that Georgia and Montenegro have in common today are the mountains, the sea, and the lack of direct flights from the RF.

I hope that those Russian libertarians who have already moved to Georgia manage to get out of the country before they suddenly decide to deport them to the RF. There are too few of us to waste people.

For my part, I can only promise that I will continue to build a convenient platform for receiving those who will come to us in Montelibero.

And yet, it was nice there…

QR codes

I have now distanced myself quite a bit from the current Russian agenda, which is why I hardly ever speak on this topic. However, the Global civil war between supporters of the unlimited expansion of the state and supporters of its limitation affects even little Montenegro, so it is worth dedicating at least one post to this.

Statists use a specific vulnerability of economic theory to political pressure—externalities—to attack personal freedom. Anyone can become a carrier of a virus and infect others, meaning that by their very presence, they potentially represent a significant negative externality for those around them. And while attempts to restrict human freedom under the pretext that people breathe and emit terrible carbon dioxide, which will soon boil the Earth, meet with serious misunderstanding, it turned out to be noticeably easier to frighten people with a deadly and immediate danger, rather than one decades away.

In Montenegro, society is holding its defense quite steadfastly. It is helped by serious disagreements between the president and the prime minister, which prevent truly unpopular decisions from being made. But it is hindered by pressure from the European Union, on which loans and the flow of tourists bringing money into the country depend. Therefore, the state advances very cautiously and immediately takes a step back upon encountering serious resistance. This provides the EU with the necessary image: that we tried, but these obscurantists started blocking roads, and we had to find a compromise. For example, in the autumn there was an attempt to gradually make entry to large supermarkets available only by certificate, but after a couple of weeks, all restrictions were cancelled. Closer to winter, they promised to require certificates for entry to Christmas markets, but a couple of weeks later, they conversely announced relaxations: practically all restrictions are lifted during the Christmas holidays, celebrate to your heart’s content. Naturally, society has to fight for every relaxation through street actions.

In Russia, everything is much worse. Society was almost completely paved over last winter; no one is surprised by imprisonments for single-person pickets, social media posts, and other arbitrariness, about which most of my readers have a much more direct understanding, so I will not dwell on it. However, it seems that the attempt, at the end of the second year of the war for public health, to introduce a permit system for movement has nonetheless encountered fairly widespread grassroots resistance.

The Libertarian Party of Russia (the one of the two that the state seemingly hasn’t completely crushed) has announced the launch of a public campaign against QR-codification. I have read the list of proposals, and they look reasonably sound. As is usual in the RF, the level of support for an initiative is determined primarily by the number of signatures on change.org, so the first thing to do is go there and sign, and then figure out how else the campaign can be helped.

And, of course, we welcome everyone who cannot bear this entire frontline atmosphere to cozy, damp, and rainy Montenegro. At least the borders are still open.

Second month in Montenegro, a brief report

In the first report, I shared my first impressions of the country and made plans for further exploration.

Money. As I expected, the main expense was the purchase of a scooter. While I initially budgeted about 500 euros for this, it turned out that I had to shell out 750 for the vehicle itself, and with registration and intermediary services, it came to 860 euros in total. I paid the required 120 euros for housing, and it also became clear how much electricity costs. It’s not cheap: 22 euros (10 cents per kilowatt-hour). Grocery stores cost 100 euros, while I spent as much as 78 in various establishments, meaning, again, there is room to save. I switched my phone to a cheaper plan; it was 15 euros a month, now it’s 10. 30 euros went toward clothes, about ten for buses, and 32 for gasoline. Gasoline here is insanely expensive, 1.4 euros per liter, but the scooter consumes very little, and the money spent was enough for me to travel half the country, if not more. In total, I had to spend 1360 euros, and I expect that this is definitely the last month where I have to spend so much. Income during this time amounted to only 280 euros(((

Work at Montelibero. During this time, the company was registered, but I am still not officially registered as an employee and have not received my boravak (residency permit). However, the process has started, so at least I no longer have to pay the tourist tax. Road construction has begun, so I drive there from time to time to monitor the process, after which it may be necessary, for example, to encourage the contractor to act a bit less slowly. Several project participants visited, wishing to get acquainted with the country as part of a purely tourist visit. I was required to meet with them, show them the plot, and generally help them form an impression of the country, if they needed it. This worked out best with Valery Utrosin, who, following the tour of the plot, even decided to buy some more land.

Scooter. In principle, the roads in Montenegro are very good, but riding is still exceptionally difficult: mountains, sharp turns, narrow passages, and rocks can fall from the surrounding cliffs. I fell twice. The first time I got away with a broken mirror, but the second time I was quite badly injured myself; I am currently recovering, and the scooter is waiting for me in Herceg Novi. In the future, I will likely limit my activity to relatively simple roads where my driving skills will be sufficient for accident-free riding.

Montenegrin Medicine. This left the most unpleasant impressions. The ambulance will not come; you have to get to the clinic yourself. Doctors first look not at the person’s problem, but at their documents. X-rays are not available in every city; as a result, I still don’t know if I broke something or just bruised it. Since there are also many complaints about how casts are applied in local clinics, I see no point in paying for an X-ray, as no additional treatment other than a cast is expected in case of a fracture.

Trips around Montenegro. After buying the scooter, their geography expanded significantly. I visited Ulcinj, Ada Bojana, Lake Skadar, drove through the Morača valley to the very headwaters, visited Žabljak and Durmitor National Park, saw the beautiful salt lake near Nikšić, the Bay of Kotor, and Herceg Novi. Although the country is small, it took me 7 hours to get to Žabljak, and these 200 km are apparently the limit of my travel distance. I categorically recommend everyone who goes to Montenegro, even for just a week, not to limit themselves to a single coastal town, but to travel around the country; it is very diverse and beautiful. I especially liked old Ulcinj and Durmitor, but almost every town and corner has its own special charm.

I post detailed trip reports on my paid personal channel — they have little to do with ancap, but they create a nice bonus for those who find it appropriate to fund me.

In a month, I may post a third monthly report, and then I will definitely stop doing this to avoid becoming monotonous.

To Montenegro with Libertarianism

A manifesto was published on the panarchy.ru website about the launch of a project to resettle European libertarians in Montenegro — an analogue of the American Free State Project. Much to my own surprise, I agreed to join this project at an early stage. If nothing falls through due to some new COVID restrictions, I plan to head to the country in April and begin settling in.

When I talk about an early stage, I mean literally the very beginning, because so far, only one family has actually moved to the country as part of the project; the other potential participants are currently discussing prospects in a Telegram chat that branched off from the main panarchists’ chat and was originally dedicated to systeding.

Thus, my channel, which has been predominantly theoretical until now, will take on the characteristics of a travel blog in some time. Of course, I am far from the idea that once I arrive, the entire country will suddenly take giant leaps toward libertarianism. Rather, I will need to learn how to survive in a new place, since the cost of living there is higher than in my current backwater. But if it becomes slightly easier for those who move after me because of my experience, it will mean that my effort was not in vain.