The Constitution, but not that one

I have reviewed the widely publicized draft of the new constitution from the Society. Future and its leader, Roman Yuneman. I am deeply disappointed.

As I already mentioned in the article about Constitution Day, only one thing matters to me in such documents: exactly what the state declaratively prohibits itself from doing in relation to its citizens. All those complex relationships between branches of government are something like a handbook on the mating habits of toads and vipers, which only makes sense to study from the perspective of navigating between them to minimize one’s own losses.

So here it is: Yuneman’s new constitution does not introduce a single new prohibition on the state squeezing the little people. The state is still prohibited from forcing citizens to testify against themselves, executing them, introducing taxes retroactively—and that’s basically it. Oh, well, except it additionally prohibits obstructing internet access, but implicitly, in the form of “a citizen has the right to hang out on the internet.”

Various citizens’ rights to peaceful assembly are still accompanied by the caveat “without weapons,” which means the state has the right to set boundaries and frisk participants of peaceful assemblies to ensure their constitutional right to assemble specifically without weapons. Voting rights are restricted for prisoners, which opens the door for political persecution to obstruct electoral procedures. Even universal military conscription—the authors of the draft constitution somehow managed to keep it, as if possessed by some demon—which is why Shaveddinov and company are waving to Yuneman from offstage.

Much attention in the project is given to the design of checks and balances between branches of government, while enormous presidential powers are still maintained. The explanation is simple: well, we want the ability to carry out rapid reforms, and for that, a concentration of power is needed. A strange archaism has been preserved whereby the president has the right to stay in power for two terms. Why specifically two? Simply because once upon a time, President Washington did not run for a third term after his second and wrote that enough is enough, and he wouldn’t recommend it to anyone. You’d think—if you want to fight the administrative resource and ensure the rotation of power—you’d make it exactly one presidential term, followed by a ban on holding any government positions. And that’s it; the presidency becomes the natural crown of a career, followed by a normal private life, without shitty personal pensions and other privileges. No, damn it, we want to go back to the nineties, when it was two by four.

The phrasing in the draft of the new constitution is just as disgusting as in the old one. Instead of Shulman’s crisp formula “do not enter—will kill,” the typical form of a constitutional article is something like “the state guarantees non-interference,” with a complete absence of instructions on sanctions for interfering.

The right to bear arms, so widely publicized by Yuneman, boils down to the right to acquire it in accordance with federal law (which can be as restrictive as desired) and the right to self-defense. There is no right to armed rebellion; on the contrary, the state is granted the right to squeeze any illegal armed formations, so a “well-regulated militia” in the spirit of the Second Amendment is out of the question for Russians. An inferior populace; they didn’t earn it.

By the way, about Russians. This unfortunate adjective sticks out of every second article in the draft constitution without carrying any meaning. Well, there is some formal entity called by such-and-such a word, so what. In this regard, Yuneman’s constitution resembles Putin’s amendments, where a lot of stylistic garbage is also inserted into the text of the existing document, but nothing changes in substance. There was a multinational people; now there are Russians and other indigenous peoples of Russia. Same difference, in short. However, for everyone who is not a nationalist, this is rather a plus.

Juneman. The one who defeated Navalny

Vladislav Zdolnikov and Mikhail Pozharsky posted explanations as to why Navalny was categorically wrong in his support for Zhukovsky and his refusal to support Yuneman…

So, who are all these people, and why am I writing about this here?

Navalny is the Sole Unalternative Leader of the Opposition, who confirmed this title on September 8 during the single voting day by defeating United Russia (I don’t know about you, but the word “united” makes my eyes spin).

Zdolnikov is a former IT consultant for the FBK, who has just resigned from this important post due to ethical disagreements with Navalny.

Pozharsky is a classic liberal, a former national-democrat, and recently a vlogger and lecturer.

Yuneman is an independent candidate in the Moscow City Duma elections, whom Navalny did not recommend as part of the smart voting strategy, but who nonetheless took first place in his district in the offline voting. Quite a few libertarians worked in his headquarters.

Zhukovsky is a candidate from the CPRF in Yuneman’s district, recommended by Navalny as part of smart voting, and is the only Navalny candidate who took a shameful third place (the others took first and second places).

Right now Yuneman, who as I already said won the offline voting, is trying to overturn the online voting results, which clearly appear rigged. It is also known that electronic voting glitched for three hours on the election day itself, does not provide the ability to monitor the authenticity of results, and the decision to implement it was made in violation of the election law. Moreover, electronic voting has an irremediable flaw: it is either open, which allows for administrative pressure on the voter, or secret, which makes it impossible to prevent and prove ballot stuffing.

So, Yuneman defeated Navalny, and now he intends to defeat another extremely harmful innovation: electronic voting. Quite a feat, isn’t it? Navalny should now literally move heaven and earth to defend Yuneman’s victory, in order to make up for his fault toward him and regain the trust of many respected people. As for our task, it is to not forget to remind Navalny of this, which is why this story must remain at the top for a sufficiently long time.

It is not enough to repost this whole story right now. We must continue to be interested in it, spread news about it, and if necessary, take part in protest actions. This is a long-term theme, like the fascinating voyage of the Yakut shaman, leaving rallies behind him and sowing panic among the higher-ups.

Navalny is 43, is starting to lose his grip and lose out to youth like this