A Book About Contracts, Trust, and Trading Enterprises

I asked ChatGPT to style my longread about the problem of contracts as an Arabic treatise. You can see how it handled it in the following text; I haven’t changed a single letter, for as the Lord said: leave man to his manliness, and leave the neural-slop to the neural networks.

A Treatise on How Men Maintain Justice in Their Affairs When There is No Single Sovereign Over Them

In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful.

Praise be to Allah, Who created humans in need of one another and made the exchange of goods the cause of the prosperity of the lands. Peace and blessings be upon His Prophet, who was a merchant before he became a Messenger, and who said:

“The honest and trustworthy merchant will be on the Day of Resurrection with the prophets, the truthful, and the martyrs.”

Know then, O seeker of knowledge, that there exist societies where people primarily acquire what they desire through exchange, rather than through gift or violence. In such societies, well-being depends on trade, crafts, and mutual agreements. However, therein arises a particular difficulty: no one can guarantee in advance that every transaction will prove honest.

This is especially noticeable when one person fulfills their part of the agreement today, while another promises to fulfill theirs only after months or years.

Therefore, wise men since antiquity have resorted to written contracts.

The Almighty said in the Surah “Al-Baqarah”:

“O you who have believed! If you contract a debt for a specified term, write it down.”

Note that the Almighty does not command the recording of the purchase of an apple at the bazaar or a cup of sherbet in a teahouse. For such transactions are completed before a dispute can even arise. One hands over the goods, the other the money, and both depart satisfied.

But it is otherwise with agreements whose consequences stretch across time.

When a master hires a worker, he buys not labor already performed, but a promise of labor. When a craftsman accepts an order, he sells not a finished product, but a promise to manufacture it. When a merchant equips a caravan, he buys not goods, but the hope of future profit.

Therefore, the parties are forced to describe their expectations in detail.

Who provides the tools?

Who is responsible for damages?

How to distinguish diligence from negligence?

Which circumstances should be considered excusable?

Without such clarifications, each will later remember only that part of the conversation which is advantageous to them.

However, another difficulty arises here.

For human life is not like the drawings of a geometer.

Aristotle said that matters of practical wisdom do not possess the precision of mathematical objects. And indeed: if a triangle remains a triangle today and tomorrow, people are constantly changing.

A servant may become the friend of the master.

A student may become the companion of the teacher.

A companion may become a rival.

And a man hired to sweep the floor may turn out to be a skilled cook or a skilled thief.

Therefore, every contract is inevitably drawn up by people who know the future worse than it seems to them.

If the relationship ceases to benefit one of the parties, it can usually be terminated with moderate losses. The worker leaves the master, the master releases the worker, and the remaining disagreements are most often not so great as to destroy the lives of both parties for their sake.

But the most difficult case arises when it concerns the investment of capital.

For here the desires of the parties are inherently different.

He who gives the money would like to see it again someday, and with profit.

He who receives the money would be most pleased by a situation in which the money remains with him forever.

Therefore, commercial enterprises need a force that compels people to keep their promises.

However, here too, excess is as harmful as deficiency.

If coercion is too weak, no one will trust their funds to other people.

If coercion is too strong, then every unlucky entrepreneur risks becoming a slave to their creditors.

For the success of an enterprise is never guaranteed.

A ship may sink.

A caravan may be plundered.

A workshop may burn down.

And thus, not every loss is a consequence of deception.

Consequently, the prosperity of a state depends not on maximum severity nor on maximum leniency, but on the correct proportion between them.

In this matter, wisdom resembles what Aristotle called the mean between extremes.

For there exist two diseases of trade.

The first disease consists in that no one owes anyone anything.

In such a society, merchants quickly cease to trust one another, craftsmen work sloppily, and the borrower perceives other people’s money as a gift of fate.

The second disease is the opposite.

In such a society, every debtor lives under the threat of ruin, every worker chooses only between various forms of dependence, and those in power use their might to destroy competitors.

Both diseases are ruinous.

Therefore, reasonable people treat contracts with respect, but do not turn them into an object of worship.

For the contract exists for the benefit of people, and not people for the contract.

If every letter of the scroll becomes more important than common sense, then the contract gradually transforms from an instrument of cooperation into an instrument of domination.

For this reason, all trade rests on the presumption of good faith.

People must proceed from the assumption that their partner wishes to obtain benefit not through the destruction of the deal, but through its successful completion.

A good contract is beneficial to both parties.

If benefit is obtained by only one party, then we have before us not a contract, but a kind of command.

However, hope for good faith alone is not enough.

One must understand which forces make good faith profitable.

In all times, such a task was solved by communities.

A merchant did not travel simply as an individual.

Behind him stood his city.

His kin.

His guild.

His faith.

If the merchants of some city acquired a reputation as fraudsters, the next caravan from that city was met without former hospitality.

If anyone offended such merchants without cause, he risked bringing upon himself the enmity of the entire community.

Therefore, reputation became a kind of wealth.

Ibn Khaldun wrote that people achieve great goals only thanks to asabiyyah — mutual support and solidarity.

The same is true for trade.

However, here too, excess brings harm.

When belonging to a corporation becomes more important than a person’s abilities, the market loses flexibility.

Then monopoly takes the place of trust.

Privilege takes the place of reputation.

And coercion takes the place of cooperation.

Therefore, over time, other ways of ensuring trust emerged.

One of them was insurance.

In such a scheme, a third party appears, who receives payment for the readiness to cover losses from unforeseen circumstances.

But precisely because the insurer does not wish to pay extra, he carefully examines the behavior of the participants of the deal.

Thus, insurance not only distributes risks, but also encourages transparency.

However, it too is not a miracle.

Insurance protects well against misfortune, but protects poorly against evil intent.

If fraud proves more profitable than honest work, no insurance fund can exist for long.

Therefore, merchants also devised pledges and escrow accounts.

In some cases, the money remains with an intermediary until the obligations are fulfilled.

In other cases, the parties risk a pre-deposited security.

But these means too have limits.

They work well where the subject of the transaction already exists.

They work worse where the subject of the transaction is yet to be created.

Precisely for this reason, the most risky type of trade remains the investment of capital in new enterprises.


As the market develops, a greater number of interactions become customary.

Rules appear for them.

Standards.

Intermediaries.

Insurers.

Arbitrators.

Experience.

The world of trade gradually becomes like a beautiful garden, where the paths are paved with stone, dangerous places are fenced off, and a signpost stands at every intersection.

It is comfortable to live in such a garden.

But it is difficult to get rich.

For high profit arises where there are no paths yet.

Therefore, the largest fortunes are created not in the garden, but beyond its fence.

There, where merchants set out for unknown lands.

There, where seafarers seek new routes.

There, where people invest money not in an existing business, but in the mere possibility of its appearance.

Just as Sinbad the Sailor once obtained diamonds from a valley to which no safe path led, a prudent investor seeks opportunities where others see only danger.

Yes, dreamers, adventurers, and fraudsters will always gather around such enterprises.

But beside them, people capable of distinguishing fruitless madness from fruitful madness will also appear.

And it is they who will become the pioneers of new markets.

Others will come later, when the risk diminishes and the profit becomes more modest.

And therefore it should be concluded:

Contracts are necessary.

Reputation is necessary.

Surety is necessary.

Insurance is useful.

But none of these instruments is capable of completely ridging a person of risk.

For risk is the price people pay for the opportunity to discover something new.

And thus, the greatest riches are born not where there is no danger at all, but where people know how to face it with open eyes.

Stephan Molynieux’s “Practical Anarchy” is over!

The translation of the last two chapters of “Practical Anarchy” has been completed. One dealt with the issue of abortion and left a favorable impression on me because the author did not fantasize about a bright totalitarian future in which omnipotent libertarian PORs subject those performing abortions to total ostracism, forcing these terrible criminals to die in a ditch—but merely reminded us that government subsidization ensures the overproduction of whatever is subsidized. Surprisingly gentle for a conservative moral philosopher.

The final chapter, on the other hand, turned out not to be a standard conclusion at the end of the book, briefly summarizing what the reader has just spent several hours of their life on, but rather a couple of completely separate worldview essays. One is about how lucky Molynieu himself is to have been born in such a wonderful time, when he can burn people with the word in relative physical safety, and how boring it would be for him to live in a world of triumphant anarchy, where there is no longer any need to burn anyone. The second is about how wonderful it is when you clear your mind and realize that it is not you who should please the reader, but the reader who should please you, and then you can graciously choose not to ban them in the comments. In general, the text is very personal and sincere.

In the near future, I plan to format the text into an epub, proofreading various minor slips in the process, and, having refreshed this long-term project in my memory, provide a coherent review of the entire book rather than its individual chapters.

Stephan Molynieux, Practical Anarchy, translation of chapter 27 of 29

In recent days, I have experienced a considerable slump in energy, so I’ve accumulated a backlog of texts. The weather outside has noticeably improved now, and I hope to shorten this queue a bit. But first, I am publishing the final version of the translation of Chapter 27 of Stephan Molinari’s “Practical Anarchy,” simply because this work required less creative effort. The chapter is devoted to describing the system of incentives that a market stateless society is capable of creating to encourage good child-rearing and, accordingly, punishment for bad parenting.

The main flaw of the text, of course, is the complete omission of the fact that children and their parents share a common budget. The greater the financial sanctions against the parents, the less money can technically reach the child. At some point, the ubiquitous representative of the PRS must appear on the doorstep of a problematic parent and announce that since the parent cannot pay the increased insurance, they can, of course, waive the policy entirely, but then neither they nor their child will be allowed to set foot in any decent place (I won’t recount it; the logic is roughly the same as in Chapter 25 regarding stateless prisons). But the parent can also sign a waiver of parental rights, and lo and behold, we have a list of people wishing to acquire such rights here; would you like to review their offers? If you do not sell your rights today, their value will be lower tomorrow, because in all the ratings, your child will be considered more and more problematic. Think about it. After which, the PRS representative vanishes in a cloud of smoke with a demonic laugh.

Of course, the PRS will be financially interested in ensuring that various marginals go bankrupt paying increased rates on contracts with the PRS, and subsequently, by hook or by crook, hand over their children to well-bred and wealthy members of society, who will not create problems for those around them, but, more importantly, will be able to further financially motivate the PRS inspector to pay particularly close attention to a specific problematic family. The more people there are wishing to acquire a child at as early an age as possible, the higher the financial incentives for the PRS to introduce the strictest possible rules, the violation of which will trigger a chain ending in the financial collapse of the family and separation from the child.

How did it happen that Molinari prefers not to write about the extortion aimed at taking children away from parents deemed problematic? Because he is a conservative, he is categorically against state juvenile justice, and for him, the raising of children by the parents themselves is a value of very high order. But market logic couldn’t care less about the values of a specific Stephan Molinari.

Stephan Molynieux, The Practical Anarchy, translation of chapter 26 of 29

The final edited translation of another chapter from Stephan Molinari’s book Practical Anarchy has been posted—about how a stateless society solves the problem of issuing reliable money. The text was written shortly before the appearance of Bitcoin, and therefore it does not concern how a stateless society can ensure reliable money despite the will of governments, but merely how it all could work in the absence of state opposition.

Nevertheless, the text is by no means useless. In essence, it describes the prospects of what the tokenomics of Montelibero could turn into if it were to achieve significant scale. We already have a fairly developed system of private monetary obligations of varying liquidity, but overall our monetary market is still too small for there to be economic sense in the emergence of complex clearing systems. Our private money largely takes the form of obligations backed by goods and services offered by the issuer, and the issuance represents a form of obtaining a loan to launch or maintain the production of these very goods and services. Accordingly, the more widely a service is demanded, the more liquid the monetary obligations issued for it become.

Molinari will soon be finished, and it is not a given that I will take on new large projects for translation. Firstly, people do not read long texts very often. For example, during the entire time a volunteer-translated draft of the chapter on money was on my site, no one complained that a page of text was simply missing from the middle. Secondly, if a person needs to tackle a text in a foreign language, they search for a translation less and less often, and more and more often trust the on-the-fly translation tools built into the browser. Yes, neural networks produce a mediocre semi-finished product, but for simple texts this is enough, and in the case of complex ones, the reader usually has a good understanding of the subject and understands what the author wanted to say, even based on a poor translation of individual difficult parts.

Stefan Molynieux, Practical Anarchy, translation of chapter 24

The final version of the translation of another chapter of Practical Anarchy by Stephan Molinari is ready, this time concerning healthcare. In principle, the structure of the chapter is already quite familiar: an analysis of the current statist picture, followed by a description of how it would all look in a stateless market society. Unlike the situation with roads and similar infrastructure, here it was necessary to add a touch of socialism in the form of charity, without which purely commercial healthcare could present unsightly images of the poor dying by the fence. However, charity does not need the state, so this does not disrupt the coherence of the constructions.

Stefan Molynieux, The Practical Anarchy, translation of chapter 23

Today’s chapter of Practical Anarchy by Stephan Molinari is, unlike the previous one, long and thorough. Not surprisingly, as it is dedicated to a topic that has inspired many memes — roads under ancap.

First, the author explains that the best way to understand why on earth someone would suddenly want to pay money to build and maintain a road in a free market is to imagine yourself as a developer approaching investors. Then, he analyzes various typical scare tactics. And in conclusion, he delivers a finishing blow from a related field, which also pertains to public goods.

Stefan Molynieux, Practical Anarchy, translation of chapter 22

Today, a very short chapter from Practical Anarchy by Stephan Molignu has been translated. The chapter is titled Tank Control and quickly addresses a couple of topics: how the prevention of behavior potentially dangerous to neighbors on one’s own private property will be handled in a stateless society, and how gun control will work, given that people’s opinions on this subject are polar opposites—some believe that widespread gun ownership increases safety, others that it decreases it.

No mega-revelations or grounds for flame wars; the author is simply tying up loose ends, concluding the second part of the book.

Stefan Molynieux, The Practical Anarchy, translation of chapter 21

The newly translated chapter of Practical Anarchy by Stephan Molinieu is dedicated to the problem of collective folly. If a certain community, from the perspective of an outside observer, decides to go crazy and begin adhering to idiotic rules, who will stop it in an anarchic society?

The author’s argumentation proceeds from two directions.

First, he reasonably asks: why have we decided that this problem must be solved in any way at all? As long as a certain whim is voluntary, people tend to leave those who practice it alone.

Second, what if certain moral attitudes prevent people from leaving alone those who practice a certain voluntary whim? Here, the author shows that a proactive legal system, which interferes in the relations of third parties without a request from them, is simply expensive. And if the funding of this legal system is voluntary, a powerful economic incentive arises to evade this funding. At the start, people may strongly dislike drug addicts and, out of old statist habit, ganging up on them. Later, they will pick all the low-hanging fruit, realize that addicts are no longer lying in every alleyway, and are actually hard to find—and searching costs money—and they will calm down. A certain dynamic compromise will emerge: one set of eccentrics does not offend the eyes with their stoned bodies in public spaces, and another set of eccentrics does not offend the ears with scandals on this topic. And so it goes with any moral foundations.

Here, credit must be given to the author: the social theorist has triumphed over the moral philosopher within him—that is what life-giving economics does!

Stefan Molynieux, The Practical Anarchy, translation of chapter 20

The translation of the new chapter of Practical Anarchy is ready. This chapter, with the long title Stateless Dictatorship: How a Free Society Prevents the Re-creation of the State, seemed a bit weak to me. It provides counterarguments to the well-known claim that in the course of free market competition, one protection agency will inevitably begin to dominate over others and form a new state—only this time without any checks and balances like the separation of powers, but simply as a business enterprise for robbing the natives, similar to one East India Company or another.

The weakness of Molynieu’s argumentation is that he exaggerates the inevitability of using centralized services—in an anarchic world, no less—and the possibility of horizontal coordination between multiple agencies in the pursuit of a single goal. Imagine threatening people in a world of bitcoin, drones, and 3D printing with such laughable measures as bank freezes, control over the distribution of weapons, and similar totalitarianism. It is clear that all these technologies, at the time the book was written, were either nonexistent or in their infancy, but if your forecasts collapse with just one decade of technical progress, how much are those forecasts worth? As for his hypothesis about the flawless coordination of independent economic entities around a strategic goal despite the prospect of immediate market gain (someone banned in one place will be willing to overpay in another)—that is the well-known problem of cartel agreements. They are unstable.

Molynieu should have focused on explaining specifically the decentralized mechanisms for countering attempts to re-create systems of organized robbery. In my book, they are mentioned quite briefly, because the book is not exactly about that. In general, it can be put this way: if anarchy is imposed from above, and a sign saying “Ust-Perduy District Court” is simply painted over with “Ust-Perduy PRA,” then nothing much may change under the sign compared to the dark times of etatism. However, if ancap evolved from below and the state truly withered away from obsolescence, then the very human qualities that killed the state will not allow a new one to grow. Ancap is not just a society without a state. It is a society with immunity to the state.

Stephan Molynieux, translation of “Practical Anarchy”, chapter 19

As previously indicated, my last remaining long-term translation project can no longer escape, and presented for your attention is the translation of Chapter 19 from Stephan Molneux’s book Practical Anarchy. The chapter is titled These Cages Are Only for Beasts. Previously, while describing his proposed system in which dispute resolution organizations (DROs) operate instead of modern law enforcement systems, Molneux emphasized how powerful an effect a coordinated active boycott can have on an individual. In this chapter, realizing that he went too far and created so much dread that totalitarian anarchy might seem to many a less preferable solution than existing state models, Molneux, conversely, explains that multiple checks and balances are also provided against DROs, and therefore they will not be able to act lawlessly and become a new edition of the state.